Wednesday 8 April 2015

kurumas oggu katha



OGGU KATHA- CULTURE OF KURUMAS AND GOLLAS

OGGU KATHA :


 
Theatre as seen in the previous chapter structured on its own
grammar, is bound to survive on the inter relationship that exists between the
units such as text, context / space, performer and audience. In the process of
relationship among the events the meanings are conveyed. Since the
meanings have to have bearing within the units, an inevitable interplay of the
units takes in sharing that which is called as Traditional Knowledge. Language
in general and theatrical language in particular is shared by the folk, which
owns it and understands it to general consequences. Therefore to read a
language it is imperative to understand who speaks it in what contexts. Unless
one understands the people and their language, one may not be able to
understand the different ways of communicating in different contexts. The
language refers to the language system shared by a community of speakers,
where as "Parole" refers to the individual speech acts made possible by the
language, i.e., the concrete utterances by individual speakers in actual
structures.

Therefore, to understand the language, it is imperative to understand
the community, which speaks it. Arguing from their standpoint a theatrical
grammar should essentially relate itself to the relationship between the
audience and performers who share and understand the language of theatre.
For this reason,' to understand Oggu Katha form from a theatrical perspective
it is most proper to understand the community, which owns it and perpetuates
it. Therefore, in this chapter, as cultural milieu to Oggu Katha, ethnographic
details of the community of Kurumas / Gollas and their priests known as
oggupujarulu who actually perform this katha (Narrative) is studied. This
study is crucial because the material objects used to invoke certain signs
while performing the narrative is shared by the community during various
rituals, be it at familial or communal levels. Similarly the verbal expressions in
the narrative of the performance are also shared by the community at various
contexts. Unless one understands such background, one may not perhaps
understand better the theatrical grammar that is implicit in Oggu Katha.
Oggu Katha, which manifests itself in different places, with different
motives, in its most indigenous, untouched and pure form is found in
'Einavolu'. Einavolu or Inole and or Eileni as it is popularly known is a remote
village near Warangal district of Andhra Pradesh state (plates 1 & 2). The
Mallikarjuna Devasthanam of Inole is maintained by the endowment
department of the State Government of Andhra Pradesh. The inscriptions
found in the temple premises read that the temple was built by 'Ganapathi
Deva 'of Kakatiya Dynasty around 11th century A.D. and installed deity is
called 'Mailaru Deva' (plate 3). Mailaru Deva is one of the many names given
to Mallanna, the caste deity of the pastoral community of the Andhra Pradesh.
The family of Oggu Pujaries serving this temple bear the surname of "Majjiga"
which means butter milk itself hints at the origin of the community.

These Oggu Pujaries at Inole perform and narrate the story of Mallanna exclusively.
They belong to Kuramas sub-sect of pastoral community of Andhra Pradesh,
which makes their livelihood from cattle, and sell milk and milk products. They
are also shepherds. The community popularly called as "Yadavas / Yadavulu"
owe their origin to Lord Krishna. There are two major divisions amongst the
community. The 'Gollas and the Kurumas'. The 'Gollas are again of as many
as twelve sub-sects and Kurumas are of two divisions. "Sarlandri Balamma1.
who belongs to the "Golla" community and is of 75 years of age explained
thus on the division of' Gollalu', "Maa Mandila Unnattu iga inka ewarila ledu'.
Memu Krishnuniki puttinollam gada andukiinni teerluga unnamu. Krishnuniki
eduguru pendlalu gollala manta. Aayana pillalnnatlu iga kurmolemo Mallanna
biddalu. Gollalu pannedu theeerlunnaru, konni perlu chepta: Erra Gollalu,
PaakanatiGollalu, Mushti Gollalu, Domalollu, Pua Gollalu, Ve Gollalu, Modati
Gollalu, Karna Gollalu. Kurumollalo kuda rendu theerlunnaru: Pathollu, inka,
Unnollu. Allane Oggu Pujarolu, Kurmollu antam. Gollollu Mallannanu puja
cheste, Kurmollaku Beeranna Devudannattu'A
"We in our community have different sects this is mainly because we
are the descendents of Lord Krishna. Krishna had seven wives and we are
his children. Children of each wife become each sub-sect. We are nearly
twelve sub-sects in Gollas. I will tell you as many names as I remember: Erra
Gollalu, Paakantai Gollalu, Mushti Gollalu, Domalollu, Pua Gollalu, Ve Gollalu,
ModatiGollalu, Karna Gollalu. And there are two sects under the Kurmas- they
are Pathollu and Unnollu. They are called as Oggu Pujaries and Kuramas.
While the gollas worship 'Mallanna,' the kurmas worship 'Beeranna."
" In earlier days each sub-sect used to get their child married in their
own community. We paakanti gollalu never used to give our girls in marriage
to Erra Gollalu or others but now-a-days everything is possible.
Figure giving the details of various sub-sects of Pastoral community in
Andhra Pradesh.
Figure - III.2
Pastoral community






Gollalu (12 sects):

Ø  Erra Gollalu
Ø  Mekala
Ø  Paakanti Gollalu
Ø  Kankaram
Ø  MusthiGollalu
Ø  Domalollu
Ø  Pua Gollalu
Ø  Ve Gollalu
Ø  ModatiGollalu
Ø  Karna Gollalu
Ø  Pedditi
Ø  Gangeddu
Ø  Kurumalu (2 sects)
Ø  Oggu Pujarulu
Ø  Pathollu Unnollu


"The 'Kuruvas' popularly called as 'Kurumas' are mainly seen in the
Rayalaseema and Telangana regions of the State. The Kurumas are also
called as 'Birappala Varu ' or 'Goravas' in the neighbouring state of
Karnataka. There is a famous anecdote regarding the origin of Birappa and
Mallanna- the caste deities of kurumas and gollas, which says that the first
drop of sweat of Lord Siva became 'Birappa' and the second drop became
'Mallanna'. But the story narrated by Oggu Pujaries says that Mallanna is the
son of Adireddi and Neelima Devi who was born by the grace of Lord
Parameswara and the Oggu Pujaries are his descendents, that is they belong
to the lineage of Mallanna and his Brahmin wife Bapana Ratnangi. Having
come from the womb of a Brahmin mother gives them a status to serve the
God in the temple." The Kurumas and the Gollas are devotees of Siva and
worship him in different forms. The Kuruvas (also pronounced as Kuruma in
Telangana) and the Gollas worship this god in his various incarnations -
Birappa, Bira Lingeswara, Samba Siva, Sambhudu, Sankara Mahadeva,
Rudra, Golla Mallayya, Chenchu Mallayya, Parvathala Mallanna, Srisaila
Mallanna, Komarelli Mallanna, Katta Mallanna, Mailara, Maillari, Jangama,
Khadelraya etc., for the pastoral community their god is Vira / Hero), with an
awe inspiring personality sitting on a horse back with his consort (satisametha
Sayudhasvika Virudu) (Murthy 1994;. 66 (ed.)). This extract from the article
"Siva: The god of shepherds" by Murthy, M.L.K. gives a list of the various
forms of Siva worshipped by the Pastoral community. 'Majjiga Chandraiah',
the oldest surviving of Oggu Pujaries of Inole also gave a similar list of various
places of worship of kshetras and the names, "Mallanna is also called as
Mailaru Devudu. There are many Malign gudis (temples). They are Eiloni,
Komarelli, Odela, Katta Mallanna, Katterasala, Jagityala, Parvatala, Yalala,
Srisailam and Egulagunta. So also there are few Oggu pujari families who
attend the deity in temple. Their surnames are Majjiga, Bandari, Are, Sera,
Marate. All these families are linga dharulu and narrate the Mallanna katha."2.
The Kurumas or Kuruvas are called as Kurubas in the neighbouring state of
Karnataka. A detailed note on the Kurubas of Karnataka given by Edgar
Thurston is as follows:
"The popular tradition as to origin of the caste is as follows. Originally
the Kurubas were Kapus. Their ancestors were Masi Reddi and Nilamma,
who lived on the Eastern Ghats by selling firewood and had six sons. Taking
pity on their poverty, Siva came begging to their house in the disguise of a
Jangam, and gave Nilamma some sacred ashes, while promising prosperity
through the birth of another son, who was called Undala Padmanna. The
family became prosperous through agriculture. But, unlike his six brothers,
Undala Padmanna never went out to work in the fields. They accordingly
contrived to get rid of him by asking him to set fire to some brushwood
concealing a white ant hill, in the hope that snake within it would kill him. But,
instead of a snake, an innumerable host of sheep appeared. Frightened at the
sight of these strange black beasts, Undala Padmanna took to his heels. But
Siva appeared, and told him that they were created for his livelihood, and that
he should rear them, and lives by their milk. He taught him how to milk the
sheep and boil the milk, and sent him to distant town, which was occupied by
rakshasas, to fetch fire. There the giants were keeping in bondage with a
Brahman girl, who fell in love with Undala Padmanna. They managed to
escape from the clutches of the rakshasas by arranging their beds over deep
pits, which were dug for their destruction. To save her lover, the girl
transformed him into a lizard. She then went with him to the place where his
flock was, and Undala Padmanna married a girl of his own caste, and had
male offspring by her as well as Brahman. At the marriage of these sons, a
thread kankanam (bracelet) was tied to the wrist of the caste woman's
offspring, and a woolen kankanam to that of the Brahman girl's sons. The
sons of the former were, therefore, called Atti (cotton) kankanadavaru, and
those of the latter Unni (woolen) kankanadavaru. The latter are considered
inferior, as they are hybrid origin. A third sub-division is that of the Ande
kurubas, named after the small vessel (ande) used in milking goats. In a note
on the Kurubas of Alur, Thikka, meaning a simpleton, is given as the name of
an important division. It is noted in the Mysore Census report, 1901, that the
Kurubas have not taken kindly to education, and are by nature so simple that
Kuruba has, in some places, become a byword for a simpleton. The Kurubas
are also known as Halu Mata, or milk caste, as they believe that they were
created out of milk by Revana Siddeswara. In Hindustani they are called
Dhangars, or rich people. Some, inspite of their poor dress and appearance,
are well-to-do. At the Madras Census, 1901, Kavadiga, Kumpani, and
Rayarvamsam (Raja's clan) were returned by some members of the
community. In Mysore, the Karubas are said to be divided into Hande Kurubas
and Kurubas proper, who have no intercourse with one another. The later
worship Bire Devaru and are Saivites. According to another account, the Halu
Kurubas of Mysore have sub-divisions according to the day of the week, on
which they offer puja to their God i.e., Aditya Varada (Sunday) Brihaspati
Varada (Thursday), Soma Varada (Monday). "The Kurbas" Mr.H.A. Stuart
writes," are again sub-divided into clans or gumpus, each having a headman
or guru called a gaudu, who gives his name to the clan. And the clans are
again sub-divided into gotras or septs, which are mostly of totemistic origin,
and retain their totemistic character to this day. The Arisana gotram is
particularly worthy of notice. The name means saffron (turmeric), and this was
originally taboo; but, as this caused inconvenience, the korra grain has been
substituted, although the old name of the sept was retained"
EXAGAMOUS SEPTS








 NAME OF THE SEPT:

·         Agni
·         Alige
·         Andara
·         Ane
·         Arashina or Arisana
·         Arathi
·         Ari
·         Ariya
·         Avu
·         Bandi
·         Banni
·         Basal e
·         Batlu
·         Belii
·         Belu
·         SYNONYM IN ENGLISH
·         Fire
·         Drum
·         Booth
·         Elephant
·         Turmeric
·         Wave offering
·         Ebony
·         Noble
·         Snake
·         Cart
·         Prosopis spicigera
·         Basella rubra
·         Cup
·         Feronia Elephantum
·         AgegleMarmelos
·         56
·         Bende
·         Benise
·         Bevu orBevina
·         Binu
·         Bola
·         Chandra
·         Chelu
·         Chilla
·         Chinna or sinnata
·         Deva
·         Emme
·         Gali
·         Gauda
·         Gulimi
·         Halu
·         Hatti
·         Honnungara
·         Lbabire
·         Lrula
·         Iruvu
·         Jelakuppa
·         Jirige
·         Jivala
·         Kalle
·         Kanchu
·         Kavada
·         Kombu
·         Kori
·         Mana
·         Malli
·         Menusu
·         Hibiscusesculentus
·         Flint
·         Melia Asadirachta
·         Roll of woolen thread
·         Bangle
·         Moon
·         Scorpion
·         Strychnos Potatorum
·         Gold
·         A tree
·         Buffalo
·         Devil
·         Headman
·         Pick-axe
·         Milk
·         Hut
·         Gold ring
·         Tortise
·         Darkness
·         Black ant
·         Fish
·         Cummin
·         An insect
·         Bengal gram
·         Bell-metal
·         Coloured border of a cloth
·         Stick
·         Blanket
·         Measure
·         Jasmine
·         Pepper
·         Minchu
·         Mise
·         Mugga
·         Muttu
·         Nali
·         Nayi
·         Othu
·         Putta
·         Ratna
·         Samanthi or Savanti
·         Sama                                
·         Samudra
·         Sankhu
·         Sarige
·         Sury
·         Thuppa
·         Turaka
·         Ngara
·         Uppiri
·         Metal toe-ring
·         Mostache
·         Loom
·         Pearl
·         Bamboo tube
·         Dog
·         Goat
·         Ant-hill,; snake hole
·         Precious s.one
·         Chrysanthemum
·         Millet,Panicum Miliare
·         Ocean
·         Cocunch shell
·         Lace
·         Sun
·         Clarified butter
·         Muhammadan
·         Ring
·         earth-salt
*Mysore Census Report, 1901.
The titles of members of castes are gouda or heggade and the more
prosperous go by the name of Kaudikiaru, a corruption of Gaudikiaru. Many,
at the present day, have adopted the title Nayakkan. Some are called Gorava
Vandlu" (Edgar Thurston. 1987; pp. 139-142).
The traditional singing of Kurmas and the Oggu Pujaries is seen in its
continuity in many parts of Telangana, and in the district of Warangal,
Karimnagar and Ranga Reddy in particular. There is a four hundred years old
temple of "Mailanna" at Amberpet in Hyderabad where the annual festivals of
Mailanna are celebrated and the Oggu Katha is performed by Oggu Pujaries
who follow the' Khandoba' tradition, their dressing reflects their tradition. The
Khandoba tradition is seen in Maharastra. These Oggu Pujaries probably
could be the one referred as Maratis by Majjiga Chandrayya. There is also a
residential area in Hyderabad where in all the Kurumas live and this place is
called after the Kurumas as 'Kurmaguda'. Similarly, a remote village near
Warangal which is resided by a sect of Kurmas who live on agriculture and
Oggu Katha performances is also known by the same name of the performers
as 'Oggonipalle'. The uniqueness of this village is that the whole village
consists of forty families who live in huts built in a single street. Thus the
whole village is of a single street.
The Oggu Pujaries amongst the Kurumas who serve as the temple
priests has a dignity of status. Both Oggu Pujaries and the kurmollu dwell as
Oggu katha performers. Though the place of their performances vary their
story, narration, performance to a great extent remains the same. The
distinction between two kinds of performances is explained thus by a kuruma
of the Oggonipalle 'Uttareni Komarayya' "Aalla Tandrulu Allaku Gullichinru
Maa tandrulu Maaku Urlichinru-Their fathers gave them temples and they do
not perform outside the temples. We move from place to place, village to
village and perform the Oggu Katha and during the agriculture season we are
busy with the work here (showing the fields)"3.

The difference between the status of the Oggu Pujaries and other
kurumas is explained in the caste legend Mallanna Katha. The Oggu Pujaries
are believed to be the direct descendents of the off spring's of Mallanna and
Bapana Ratgnangi. However, we can find a positional difference amongst the
Oggu Pujaries. The Oggu Pujaries who perform the household rituals and the
patnalu during the jataras differentiate themselves from the Oggu Pujaries
who perform the rituals at the sanctified places of kshetras like Einavolu,
Komarelli, Odela, Sri Sailam, Katta etc. This issue was very clearly putforth by
a Oggu Pujari of Hyderabad who works for the Caravan Malleswara Swami
Gudi Munge Narayya, "we are Oggu Pujaries. All the months of the year
except the ashadamasa are good for the Mallanna Pelli (marriage). We
perform the rituals at the caravan Malleshwara Swami gudi in the season from
Sankranthi to Ugadi. We also go to houses of gollalu to fulfill their mokkulu.
We draw the patnalu and perform the ritual. So also we become a part of the
marriage celebrations. There will not be any marriage without our
involvement. We sing the auspicious songs and narrate the Mallanna Katha,
Ellamma Katha, Beerappa Katha, and Narashima Katha, suiting to the
'mokku' and occasion. We use the Oggu Dolu and the Talam' for this
purpose. The Oggu Pujaries at big temples like Komarelli, Eiloni, Odela and
katte use Jaggu an instrument, which looks like "Damaru", and they are called
as Jaggollu. They do not come to houses. They perform 'patnalu', laggalu'
and other activities within their respective temples' (plate 4).4

The right to perform at the temple to conduct the rituals and then to
perform at households and to perform for public without being connected with
the rituals is strictly followed by the Kurmas and the Oggu Pujaries. . So also
are the duties assigned to the Oggu Pujaries. The rites executed by the
Jagollu in the kshetras can be broadly divided into two types- the first being
those which are done daily and the second being those rites which are done
occasionally.5 The rites that are executed daily are regarding the services of
the temple deity. Cleaning the temple, sanctum sanctorum early in the
morning before the arrival of the pujari to perform puja is regularly practiced in
the Einavolu Mallanna temple. Majjiga Chandraiah, belonging to the Oggu
Pujari family gave the following duties regarding their duties at the temple.
"We people the Oggu Pujaries in Eileni belong to Majjiga family. Each of our
families serves the temple for a period of one year. And the duty of attending
the temple services is rotated to each family and is usually done by the eldest
member of the family. Right now this year my nephew - my brother's son
Majjiga Lakshminarasayya is serving".6 The details given by Majjiga
Chandrayya throw light on the importance of Oggollu as priests. Though the
Endowments department has employed a priest in the temple the services of
Oggu Pujaries are practiced even today. And regarding their occasional
duties are to perform patnalu during pandagalu, or to fulfill the mokkus during
marriages of the God etc. Narrating Mallanna Katha is also a part of their
occasional duties.

The ritual acts that are invariably the job of Oggu Pujaries are very
organized. Normally the rituals conducted by these pastoral families can be
classified into two:
1. Rituals at household 2. Rituals at Mallanna Temple

RITUALS AT HOUSEHOLD:



These rituals are conducted by Oggu Pujaries at the houses or at
temples. Munge Narayana Oggu Pujari of Hyderabad elaborated on the
household rituals by Oggu Pujaries similar to the observations of Edgar
Thurston, which is given hereunder:
"When a girl reaches puberty, she is kept in a corner of the house for
eight days. On the ninth day she bathes, and food is taken to her by an old
woman of the house. Kuruba women are invited to be present in the evening.
The girl, covered with a blanket, is seated on a raised place. Those
assembled throw rice over her feet, knees, shoulders, and head and into her
lap. Coloured turmeric and lime water is then waved three or five times round
her, and ravikes (body-cloths) are presented to her.
The following account of the marriage ceremonial was recorded in
Western Bellary. When a marriage has been settled between the parents of
the young people, visits are exchanged by the two families. On a fixed day,
the contracting couple sits on a blanket at the bride's house, and five women
throw rice over five parts of the body as at the menstrual ceremony. Betel
leaves and areca nuts are placed before them, of which the first portion is set
apart for the god Birappa, the second for the Gauda, another for the house
god, and so on up to the tenth. A general distribution then takes place. The
ceremony, which is called sakshi vilya or witness betel-leaf, is brought to a
conclusion by waving in front of the couple a brass vessel, over the mouth of
which five betel leaves and a ball of ashes are placed. They then prostrate
themselves before the guru. For the marriage ceremony, the services of the
Guru, a Jangam or a brahman priest, are called into requisition. Early on the
wedding morning, the bridal couple are anointed and washed. A space, called
the irani square, is marked out by placing at the four corners a pot filled with
water. Round each pot a cotton thread is wound five times. Similar thread is
also tied to the milk post of the marriage pandal (booth), which is made of
pipal (ficus religiosa) wood, within the square a pestle, painted with red and
white stripes, is placed, on which the bride and bridegroom, with two young
girls, seat themselves. Rice is thrown over them, and they are anointed and
washed. To each a new cloth is given, in which they dress themselves, and
the wrist thread (kankanam) is tied on all four. Presents are given by relations,
and arathi (red water) is waved round them. The bridegroom is decorated with
a bashingam (chaplet of flowers) and taken on a bull to a Hanuman's shrine
along with his best man. Coconuts, camphor and betel are given to the priest
as an offering to the god. According to the another account, both bride and
bridegroom go to the shrine, where a matron ties on their forehead chaplets of
flowers, pearls etc. At the marriage house a dais has been erected close to
the milk post, and covered with a blanket, on which a mill-stone and basket
filled with cholum (andropogon sorghum) are placed. The bridegroom,
standing with a foot on the stone and the bride with a foot on the basket, the
gold tali, after it has been touched by five married women, is tied round the
bride's neck by the officiating priest, while those assembled throw rice over
the happy pair, and bless them. According to another version, a bed sheet is
interposed as a screen, so that the bride and bridegroom cannot see each
other. On the three following days, the newly married couple sit on the
blanket, and rice is thrown over them. In Western Bellary, the bridegroom, on
the third day, carries the bride on his waist to Hanuman temple, where
married women throw rice over them. On the fifth morning, they are once
more anointed and washed within the irani square, and, towards evening, the
bride's father hands her over to her husband, saying "she was till this time a
member of my sept and house. Now I hand her over to your sept and house".
On the night of the sixth day, a ceremony called booma idothu (food placing)
is performed. A large metal vessel (gangalam) is filled with rice, ghi (clarified
butter), curds and sugar. Round this some of the relations of the bride and
bridegroom sit, and finish off the food. The number of those who partake
thereof must be an odd one, and they must eat the food as quickly as
possible. If anything goes wrong with them, while eating or afterwards, it is
regarded as an omen of impending misfortune. Some even considers it as an
indication of the bad character of the bride.

Concerning the marriage ceremony of the Kurubas of North Arcot
Mr.Stuart writes as follows: "As a preliminary to the marriage, the
bridegroom's father observes certain marks or curls on the head of the
proposed bride. Some of these are believed to forebode prosperity, and
others only misery to the family, into which the girl enters. They are, therefore,
very cautious in selecting only such girls as possess curls (suli) of good
fortune. This curious custom obtaining among this primitive tribe is observed
by others only in the case of the purchase of cows, bulls, and horses. One of
the good curls is the bashingam found on the forehead; and the bad ones are
the peyanakallu at the back of the head, and the near the right temple. But
widowers seeking for wives are not generally particular in this respect. (As
bad curls are supposed to cause the death of the man who is their possessor,
she is, I am informed, married to a widower,) The marriage is celebrated in
the bridegroom's house, and, if the bride belongs to a different village, she is
escorted to that of the bridegroom, and is made to wait in a particular spot
outside it, selected for the occasion. On the first day of the marriage, purna
kumbam, a small decorated vessel containing milk or ghi, with a two anna
piece and a coconut placed on the betel leaf spread over the mouth of it, is
taken by the bridegroom's relations to meet the bride's party. There the
distribution of pan supari takes place, and both parties return to the village.
Meanwhile, the marriage booth is erected, and twelve twigs of naval (Eugenia
Jambolana) are tied to the twelve pillars, the central or milk post, under which
the bridal pair sit, being smeared with turmeric, and a yellow thread being tied
thereto. At an auspicious hour of the third day, the couples are made to sit in
the booth, the bridegroom facing the east, and the bride facing west. On a
blanket spread near the kumbam, 21/2 measures of rice, a tali or bottu, one
coconut, betel leaf and camphor are placed. The Gaudu places a bail of
vibhuti (Sacred ashes) thereon, breaks a coconut, and worships the kumbam,
while camphor is burnt. The gaudu next takes the tali, blesses it, and gives it
to the bridegroom, who ties it round the bride's neck. The Gaudu then,
throwing rice on the heads of the pair recites a song. In which the names of
various people are mentioned, and concluding Oh! Happy girl; Oh!
Prosperous girl; Basava has come; remove your veil; The girl then removes
her veil and the men and women assembled throw rice on the heads of the
bridal pair. The ends of their garments are then tied together, and two girls
and three boys are made to eat out of the plates placed before the married
couple. A feast to all their relations completes the ceremony. The Gaudu
receives 21/2 measures of rice, five handfuls of nuts and betel leaf, and
twelve saffrons (pieces of turmeric) as his fee. Even though the girl has
attained puberty, the nuptial ceremony is not coincident with the wedding, but
is celebrated a few months later". In like manner, among the Kammas,
Gangimakkulu, and other classes consummation does not take place until
three months after the marriage ceremony, as it is considered unlucky to have
three heads of a family in a household during the first year of marriage. By the
delay, the birth of a child should take place only in the second year, so that,
during the first year, there will be only two heads, husband and wife, At a
marriage among the Kurubas of the Madura district, a chicken is waved in
front of the contracting couple, to aver the evil eye. The maternal uncle's
consent to a marriage is necessary and, at the wedding, he leads the bride to
the pandal. A Kuruba may, I am informed marry two sisters, either on the
death of one of them or if his first wife has no issues, or suffers from an
incurable disease. Some twenty years ago, when an unmarried kuruba girl
was taken to a temple, to be initiated as a Basavi (dedicated prostitute), the
caste men prosecuted the father as a protest against the practice.
In the North Arcot district, according to Mr.Stuart, "the mother and child
remain in a separate hut for the first ten days after delivery. On the eleventh
day, all the Kuruba females of the village bring each a pot of hot water, and
bathe the mother and child. Betel and nut are distributed, and all the people of
the village eat in the mother's house. On the next market day, her husband,
with some of his male friends, goes to a neighbouring market, and consults
with a Korava or Yerukala what name is to be given to the child, and the name
he mentions is then given to it". In a case, which came before the police in
the Bellary district in 1907, a woman complained that her infant child had been
taken away, and concealed in the house of another woman, who was
pregnant. The explanation of the abduction was that there is a belief that, if a
pregnant woman keeps a baby in her bed, she will have no difficulty at the
time of delivery.

Remarriage of widows is permitted .The ceremony is performed in a
temple or dark room, and the tali is tied by a widow a women dedicated to the
deity, or a Dasayya (mendicant) of their own caste. According to another
account a widow is not allowed to wear a tali, but is presented with a cloth.
Hence widow married into families, in which no widow remarriage has been
taken place and are treated like ordinary members of the community.
In Western Bellary I, gathered that the dead are buried, those who
have been married with the face upwards, others with the face down wards.
The grave is dug north and south, and the head is placed to the south. Earth
is thrown into the grave by relations before it is filled in. A mound is raised
over it, and three stones are set up, over the head, navel, and feet. The eldest
son of the deceased places on his left shoulder a pot filled with water, in the
bottom of which three small holes are made, through which the water
escapes. Proceeding from the spot, beneath which the head rests, he walks
round the grave and then drops the pot so that it falls on the mound, and goes
home without looking back. This ceremony is a very important one with both
Kurubas and Bedars. In the absence of a direct heir, he who carries the pot
claims the property of the deceased, and is considered to be the inheritor
thereof. For the propitiation of ancestors, cooked rice and sweetmeats, with a
new turban and cloth or petticoat, according to the sex of the deceased,
offered up. Ancestors, who died childless, unless they left property, do not
receive homage. It is noted, in the Bellary Gazetteer, that "an unusual rite is in
some cases observed after deaths, a pot of water being worshipped in the
house on the eleventh day after the funeral, and taken the next morning and
emptied in some lonely place. The ceremony is named the calling back of the
dead, but its real significance is not clear.

Of the death ceremonies in the North arcot district, Mr.Stuart writes that
"the son, or, in his absence, a near relative goes round the grave three times,
carrying a pot of water, in which he makes a hole at each round. On the third
round he throws down the pot, and returns home straight, without turning his
face towards the direction of the grave. For three days the four carriers of the
bier are not admitted into their houses, but they are fed at the cost of the
deceased's heir. On the third day, cooked rice, a fowl and water are taken to
the burial ground and placed near the grave, to be eaten by the spirit of the
dead. The son, and all his relations, returns home, beating on their mouths.
Pollution is observed for ten days, and, on the eleventh day, sheep and fowls
are killed, and a grand feast is given to the Kurumbas of the village. Before
the feast commences, a leaf containing food is placed in a corner of the house
and worshipped. This is removed on the next morning, and placed over the
roof, to be eaten by crows. If the deceased be a male, the glass bangles worn
by his wife on her right arm are broken on the same day" (Thurston 1987,
143-150).
Munge Narayan, a Oggu Pujari of Hyderabad said so regarding the
various rituals conducted by them. "We perform different rituals right from
"Jeeva" (human) kalyanam to the 'deva' (God) kalyanam and the drawing of
patnam is done only on the demand of the devotees. If at all there is a mokku
only the patnam is performed. Depending on the kind of mokku on whom it is
owed we draw the 'patnam', and invite the God or Goddess to accept the
offerings made by the devotees. Different items are used for different
patnams. For example the moduga aku and tangedu aku powders which are a
must for the Mallana's patnam. The figure drawn as patnam contains the
pictures of Trisulam', Paadaalu, 'Jaggu' and 'Om'. The only difference
between the patnalu done by Oggollu coming to the houses and the Jaggollu
is the use of Jaggu the Oggu Pujaries at different kshetras use jaggu while
singing the various songs."


Colour Pattern in the Patnam
Chandanamu = Pasupu + Sunnam
Pasupu - Pasupu
Pacha = Thangedi Aku + Moduga Aku
Telupu = Biyyapindi
The mokkulu are of different and depend on the type of wishes and
beliefs of the Golla community. Usually rituals at households are conducted
on the occasions like birth, marriage and death ceremonies. The various types
of patnalu are maila patnamu, chilukala patnamu, pedda patnamu, inti
patnamu etc. The patnalu are drawn to stand as the place of worshipping the
God. A square is drawn with the following materials.



Patnam
Polu muntalu
pots
Polu daaram
Figure is drawn
with various powders
Small mud
Threads


Wooden slates are used to draw the patnalu. These wooden
slates/palakalu are known as kangollu. The four small pots used as border to
the patnam are called 'Polumuntalu' and the thread running across these four
pots is called as 'Polu Daaramu'. A pasupumudda or turmeric ball is placed on
a tamalapaku or betel leaf and placed on the patnam drawn. This
pasupumudda is treated as Gauramma. Dry broken coconut halves are most
important articles for this ritual; they are called as kobbare Kudakalu.
Besides the mokkulu and patnalu yet another occasion of great
importance is that of the marriages. As said by Munge Narayana marriages or
Kalyanams of both the human and the super-human are conducted by them.


The job of Oggu Pujari begins well before the day of the actual marriage and
ends exactly after a week days after the marriage. The marriage described
here was conducted by Munge Narayana and his son Munge Pochayya and
the details given here are by Sarlandri Balamma (75 yrs) the grand mother of
the bride 'Sunita' brides father S. Yadayya yadav's mother and Bola Boyini
Lakshmamma bride's grand mother Yashodamma bride's mother.8 The Oggu
Pujaries come home three days before the marriage in the evening when the
girl is made 'pelli kuturu'. It is to their drum beat that all the proceedings such
as giving the new saree, flowers, bangles etc., to the bride and then dressing
of the bride is made. Then they again come on the night before the marriage
to perform 'maila polu'. Actually the maila polu is performed by the mangali
(barber) he draws a square like figure with jonnalu (jawar) of about 5 kgs and
make the girl sit on it. This is called maila pollu. While this act is being done
the Oggu Pujari should play the Oggu dolu. He heads the pendli melam to the
marriage place (function hall). Though we employ the music band it is only a
mere ornamentation. It is the Oggu Dolu, which is important for us. At the
marriage the Oggu pujari prepares the mutyala polu. Mutyala polu is prepared
with rice grains, polu muntalu and polu daram. Beating of Oggu Dolu
continues while the dias / Mutyala Polu is prepared. The bride and groom are
made to sit on the dias. Though the Bapana Pujari conducts the actual
marriage- tying the 'puste' and Talavalu (Talambralu) it is the Oggu Pujari who
stands before and after the puste kattadam. After the puste is tied, the
Oggollu conduct the Nagavelli. First they sing a song in praise of lord Surya.
They make the newly wedded to bow to Suryadeva. It is called surya
namaskaram. Then they make the bride and bridegroom talk to each other for
the first time where in they involve the bridegroom's sister as well. They sing
songs on Mallanna Pelli like.
"Komarelli Mallanna Pelli Ilia inta nedu Golla Ketamma Pendli ill inta
nedu". Then they also sing some Jola patalu, mangala aratulu and the like.
The Oggu Pujari also announces the details of the 'katnalu' given to the bride
and the bridegroom. Their presence is a must both in the 'pedda indulu
(vindulu) given by the groom's family and the chinna indulu given by the
bride's family. The playing of Oggu Dolu is a must in both these parties. Then
they come again on the eighth day of the marriage exactly on the same day
after a week days of the marriage and perform gadapa kadagatam (washing
the threshold of the house). , Draw the muggu, perform puja and apply
'bandari to all the family members and go after taking their katnam" (plate 5).
The role of bapana pujari is dominated by the Oggu pujari in the marriages of
the Gollas. Though the ritual practices of Oggu Pujari on other occasions such
as birth, bonalu, etc., have got minimized, their significance in marriages still
continues.
Other two occasions of the ritual performance of the Oggu Pujari are
palu pattu and bonalu. During the palu pattu milk is poured in a bronze vessel
and then some songs on Mallanna or Birappa are sung and then the Oggu
Pujari drinks the milk. During the Bonalu festival falling in the month of Ashada
the pastoral communities perform Bonalu of two kinds i.e. Mallanna Bonalu
and Birappa Bonalu. Bonam means food offered to God. A new pot is filled
with cooked food and decorated from outside with turmeric powder, kumkum
powder and rice powder. The women of the community wear new or silk
sarees, adorn themselves with ornaments, apply turmeric powder to the face
and feet, and put a big bottu with red kumkum. They place the Bonam on the
head and go to the temple. All the members of the family together accompany
them. They are lead by the Oggu Pujari who accompany them by playing the
Oggu Dolu. Bonam is also offered as per the wish of the devotees, besides
from the ashada masam.

Besides all these household rituals, the annual festival which is
celebrated at a grand scale is the Mallanna panduga. Mallanna panduga
begins at various kshetras such as Einavolu, Komarelli, Sri Sailam, Odela
etc., begins from kartika Amavasya, or 'Satti Amassa'. The Sunday, which
comes after this amasa, is called dandi varam or the big week. The devotees
take up the deeksha of Mallanna and start their prayers. They fast on every
Sunday and Wednesday. They do not eat non-vegetarian food on these days.
The devotees who have the mokku go to the temples and ask the Oggu Pujari
to perform the patnam. The 'Pedda patnam' is performed on the day of 'Siva
ratri'. The Oggu Pujaries who has the right to perform this at that particular
temple together draws the patnam. To perform these patnams they go to
'putta' (Anthill) and get the red soil of pit. This soil is called as putta bangaram.
They prepare a small stage with the putta bangaram and draw the patnam on
it. They ask the devotees to get the Mallanna Bonam and make aaragimpu
 (offering of food) to the God. They recite the Mallanna Katha or Birappa
through out the night of the Sunday. The Oggu Pujaries invoke the Gods to
stay in the patnam, they also invite the Gods on the request of the devotees. If
the devotees wish for the invocation of Ellamma, the Pujari invites Ellamma on
the patnam. Thus the different patnams are seen on the name of each God or
Goddess. The Einavolu or Eileni Mallikarjuna Swamy Devasthanam also
comes to life during the time of Mallanna Panduga celebrated from Sankranti
to Ugadi.
Though the changing times have decreased the number of occasions
for performance of Oggu Pujari and Oggu rituals, the significance of Oggu
Pujari in the society during the marriages and Mallanna Pandugalu remains
the same. So also the performance of Oggu Katha. The Oggu Katha
performance, which was recorded minutely for this study, was done by the
Oggu Pujari of Mallikarjuna Swami Devasthanam at Einavolu. The Oggu
Pujari performed the patnam as a mokku for a family of non-Gollas from
Warangal and performed the Mallanna Katha on the same night.9. The
participants of this performance were (plates 6,7)
Majjiga Lakshmi Narsayya - Pradhana Kathakudu
Majjiga Bhumayya - Vantakudu
Majjiga Sayilu - Oggu Dolu
Majjiga Mallayya - Talam
Are Mondayya - Talam
As observed earlier both, the Kurmollu and Oggollu perform Oggu
Katha. While the Oggollu perform in temples and as part of the rituals, the
kurmollu perform it for public and on the demand of the public. Whether the
performance is by the Oggulu or the Kurmollu the performance inevitably
takes the name of Oggu Katha. This is because the name of the performance
is taken from the percussion instrument used by the performers that is the
Oggu Dolu (plate 8), hence the name of the art form is 'Oggu Katha'. The
Oggu Dolu is a significant part of both the rituals at the household and at the
temples. It remains as an identification mark of both the performers and the
performance and also for the community.
The performance doubled with a ritual base and religious background
slightly vanes from that o\ the secular performance. However, the dramatic
input in the narration of the text, and enactment is found intact. The various
theatrical elements involved in the performance of Oggu Katha are brought
out in the following chapter.

NOTES:

1. Interview with Sarlandiri Balamma 75 years of age, a Yadava lady,
May 1998, Hyderabad.

2. Interview with Majjiga Chandraiah (80 years), at Inole, October
1995.

3. Interview with Uttareni Komarayya, at Oggoripalle village near
Warangal, October 1995.

4. Interview with Munge Narayana at Hyderabad, May 1998.

5. A similar practice was seen in the classical dance tradition of
Odissi. The practice of performing inside the temple and outside the
temple was strictly followed by the Maharis or Devadasis of the
temple dancers of Puri Jagannadha Swami Temple. The dancers
who perform in the temple were called Bither Gauni and those who
perform outside the temple are called Bahar Gauni. They never
exchanged their places of performances.

6. Interview with Majjiga Chandrayya at Einavole, October 1995.

7. Interview with Munge Narayana at Hyderabad, May 1998.

8. Interview with Sarlandiri Balamma and Bola Boyini Lakshmamma
and Yashodamma at Hyderabad, May 1998.

9. The ritual of Patnalu was performed in the guesthouse adjacent to
the temple. The family and the relatives numbering nearly 50 have
come from Warangal to fulfill their Mokkulu. Majjiga Laxminarsayya
who officiated the ritual was playing the Jaggu, a percussion
instrument. As part of the sacred singing, he was mentioning the
names of the head of the family who was fulfilling the mokku and
glorifying their lineage.

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